Emmanuel Chemla

• Usual Address

  Emmanuel Chemla

  Ecole Normale Supérieure

  Laboratoire de Sciences Cognitives et Psycholinguistique

  29 rue d'Ulm

  75005 Paris

  France

• e-mail: last name at ens.fr

Click on the titles to see the abstracts

• Experimental evidence for embedded implicatures [with Benjamin Spector] (draft, 2-page abstract)

  We describe an experimental methodology to detect embedded scalar implicatures which are not detected otherwise.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel and Spector, Benjamin (2009). "Experimental evidence for embedded implicatures". Ms. IJN & LSCP.

  Abstract:

  Scalar implicatures are traditionally viewed, following Grice's seminal work, as pragmatic inferences which result from a reasoning about speakers' communicative intentions. This view has nevertheless been disputed in recent years, and an alternative view has emerged, according to which the computation of scalar implicatures is a grammatical phenomenon. One important argument for this grammatical approach is the claim that scalar implicatures can be computed in embedded positions and enter into the recursive computation of meaning -- something that is not expected under the traditional, pragmatic view. In a recent experimental work, Geurts and Pouscoulous (2008, 2009) focussed on sentences in which a scalar item is embedded under a universal quantifier, and failed to detect an embedded scalar implicature in such cases. In this paper, we first offer a critical discussion of Geurts and Pouscoulous' results and conclusions and a precise discussion of the predictions made by various theories. We then present two experiments which show that, under certain conditions, embedded scalar implicatures can be detected.

• Expressible semantics for expressible counterfactuals (draft)

  This paper investigates versions of ordering and premise semantics of counterfactuals which are constrained to fit the limitations of natural language actual users. Consequences for the limit assumption are discussed.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2009). "Expressible semantics for expressible counterfactuals". Ms. IJN & LSCP.

  Abstract:

  I argue that our semantic intuitions about counterfactuals should be accounted for with restricted versions of dominant semantic theories. The relevant restricted versions should respect the limitations of actual speakers. I first define expressible versions of ordering semantics and premise semantics and extend Lewis' (1981) general equivalence result between the two frameworks to these particular versions. More importantly, I show that moving to these expressible semantics necessarily alter the predicted truth value of accordingly expressible counterfactuals. This unexpected negative result has problematic consequences in particular for a certain defense of the limit assumption by means of coarse-graining.

• Incremental vs. Symmetric Acounts of Presupposition Projection: An Experimental Approach [with Philippe Schlenker] (draft)

  This paper is an experimental existence proof of symmetric (non-incremental) patterns of presupposition projection.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel and Philippe Schlenker (2009). "Incremental vs. Symmetric Accounts of Presupposition Projection: An Experimental Approach". Ms. IJN, LSCP & NYU.

  Abstract:

  The presupposition triggered by an expression E is generally satisfied by information that comes before rather than after E in the sentence or discourse. In Heim's classic theory (1983), this left-right asymmetry is encoded in the lexical semantics of dynamic connectives and operators. But several recent analyses offer a more nuanced approach, in which presupposition satisfaction has two separate components: a general principle (which varies from theory to theory) specifies under what conditions a presupposition triggered by an expression E is satisfied; and an ‘incremental’ component specifies that the principle must be checked on the basis of information that comes before E. Several researchers take this incremental component to be a processing bias, which can be overcome at some cost. If so, it should be possible, although costly, to satisfy presuppositions ‘symmetrically’, i.e., taking into account an entire sentence. We test this claim with experimental means. Using different ‘hard’ triggers, we show that in the propositional case symmetric readings are indeed possible, albeit degraded; and we compare the availability of symmetric readings in environments that involve various operators.

• Universal implicatures and free choice effects: experimental data (paper)

  Parallel investigation of free choice effects and scalar implicatures from the scope of positive and negative universal quantifiers.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2009). "Universal Implicatures and Free Choice Effects: Experimental Data". Semantics and Pragmatics 2(2), pp 1-33, doi:10.3765/sp.2.2.

  Abstract:

  Universal inferences like (i) have been taken as evidence for a local/syntactic treatment of scalar implicatures (i.e. theories where the enrichment of "some" into "some but not all" can happen sub-sententially):

  1. Everybody read some of the books
     --> Everybody read [some but not all the books].

  In this paper, I provide experimental evidence which casts doubt on this argument. The counter-argument relies on a new set of data involving free choice inferences (a sub-species of scalar implicatures) and negative counterparts of (i), namely sentences with the quantifier "no" instead of "every".

  The results show that the globalist account of scalar implicatures is incomplete (mainly because of free choice inferences) but that the distribution of universal inferences made available by the localist move remains incomplete as well (mainly because of the negative cases).

• Similarity: Towards a Unified Account of Scalar Implicatures, Free Choice Permission and Presupposition Projection (draft)

  I show that the differences between the three phenomena do not prevent a unified account.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2009). "Similarity: towards a Unified Account of Scalar Implicatures, Free Choice Permission and Presupposition Projection". Under revision for Semantics and Pragmatics.

  Abstract:

  I propose a new theory of scalar implicatures: the speaker should be in the same epistemic status with respect to alternatives obtained via similar transformations (e.g., replacements of a scalar items with various stronger items). This theory extends naturally to explain presupposition projection. Cases where scalar items and presupposition triggers co-occur are also accounted for. The main focus is the unification between various phenomena: scalar implicatures, free choice effects and presupposition projection. Yet, the system can be split into independent proposals for each of these issues.

• An Epistemic Step for Anti-Presuppositions (draft)

  Detailed investigations of the contextual conditions under which implicated presuppositions do acquire a strong epistemic status and discussion of new empirical predictions.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2008). "An Epistemic Step for Anti-Presupposition". Journal of Semantics 25(2), pp 141-173, doi:10.1093/jos/ffm017.

  Abstract:

  Sentence (i) strongly suggests that the speaker does not have a sister:

  1. John believes that I have a sister.
     1. Alternative: John knows that I have a sister.
     2. Predicted inference: it is not common belief that the speaker has a sister.
     3. Actual inference: the speaker does not have a sister.

  According to Heim (1991), Percus (2006) and Sauerland (2006), this inference might follow from the comparison of (i) to (ia). However, such an analysis would only predict a very weak implicature: it is not common belief that the speaker has a sister.

  I propose to strengthen this prediction by two means. First, I rely on a precise understanding of the modern stalnakerian view of presuppositions and common ground (Stalnaker, 1998, 2002; von Fintel, 2000; Schlenker, 2006). Second, I argue that this inference depends on contextual factors. More precisely, I show that the Competence Assumption (see Spector, 2003, van Rooij and Schulz, 2004 and Sauerland, 2004) necessary to obtain secondary scalar implicatures should be supplemented with an Authority Assumption. I motivate this additional assumption on independent empirical grounds. Finally, I show how my proposal applies for a wide variety of inferences with fine variations governed by 1) contextual differences and 2) specific properties of the presupposition triggers involved.

• Presuppositions of quantified sentences: experimental data (new draft, old version, poster)

  An experimental study of the projection properties of presupposition in quantified sentences. The new version contains new data for more quantifiers. The old version contains more on the comparison between presuppositions and other phenomena.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2009). "Presuppositions of quantified sentences: experimental data". Natural Language Semantics 17(4), pp 299-340, doi:10.1007/s11050-009-9043-9.

  Abstract:

  Some theories assume that sentences like (i) with presupposition triggers in the scope of a quantifier carry an existential presupposition, as in (ii); others assume that they carry a universal presupposition, as in (iii).

  1. No student knows that he is lucky.
  2. Existential presupposition: At least one student is lucky.
  3. Universal presupposition: Every student is lucky.

  This work is an experimental investigation of this issue in French. Native speakers were recruited to evaluate the robustness of the inference from (i) to (iii). The main result is that presuppositions triggered from the scope of the quantifier "no" are in fact universal. But the present results also suggest that the presuppositions triggered from the scope of other quantifiers depend on the quantifier. This calls for important changes in the main theories of presupposition projection.

  NB: In the older version of this paper, presuppositions were compared more directly with cases of adverbial modification and scalar implicatures. The old version of the paper is still available and a more focussed discussion can still be found in "An experimental approach to adverbial modification" below.

• An experimental approach to adverbial modification (draft)

  This paper experimentaly shows that inferences driven by adverbial modification are intermediate between presuppositions and scalar implicatures.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2009). "An experimental approach to adverbial modification". In Uli Sauerland and Kazuko Yatsushiro (ed.), Semantics and Pragmatics: From Experiment to Theory, Palgrave Macmillan New York, pp 249-263.

  Abstract:

  Adverbial modification gives rise to inferences which pattern very much like presuppositions. In particular, these inferences persist when the original sentence —e.g., (i)— is embedded in various downward entailing environments —e.g., negation in (ii), the scope of the quantifiers 'none' and 'less than 3' in (iii) and (iv):

  1. John arrived late.
     implies that: John came.
  2. John didn't arrive late.
     also implies that: John came.
  3. None of these 10 students arrived late.
     implies that: all of the 10 students involved came.
  4. Less than 3 of these 10 students arrived late.
     implies that: all of the 10 students involved came.

  In this paper, adverbial modification is compared to presuppositions and to (indirect) scalar implicatures which also show intriguing similarities with presuppositions. The present experiment reveals differences between implicatures and presuppositions, both in terms of their projection properties and the underlying derivation processes (reaction times). However, in this very same experiment, adverbial modification cannot be distinguished from any of the other two phenomena.

  These results paradoxically argue against a strong distinction between presuppositions and scalar implicatures. They support recent proposals which account for presuppositions in terms of implicatures (Simons 2001, Schlenker 2008, Chemla 2009) which would allow adverbial modification to fall in the middle of this hierarchial spectrum of linguistic inferences.

• Transparency Theory: Empirical Issues and Psycholinguistic Routes (draft)

  This short paper is a comment on Schlenker's Transparency Theory.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2008). "Transparency Theory: Empirical Issues and Psycholinguistic Routes". Theoretical Linguistics 34(3), pp 229-236, doi:10.1515/THLI.2008.015.

  Abstract:

  no abstract

• Aren't Dummy Alternatives only Technical Shortcuts? (paper)

  Technical, limited criticism of Schlenker (2006)'s theory of the projection problem of presuppositions.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2006). "Aren't Dummy Alternatives only Technical Shortcuts?". Ms. ENS & MIT.

  Abstract:

  The transparency theory seems to make heavy use of tautologous pieces of sentences. I discuss here the necessity of such a baffling technical trick to match the achievement of dynamic semantics (Heim, 1983). I show that 1) tautologies are not necessary when the language is limited to the propositional fragment proposed in the first part of Schlenker's analysis and 2) they are necessary for quantificational cases (and similarly with modal operators but this is not part of Schlenker's discussion). Finally, I suggest that this trick could actually be avoided in more expressive frameworks.

• French both: a gap in the theory of antipresupposition (paper)

  French lacks a lexical item for both; I discuss here in a few lines the consequences of this for a theory of anti-presuppostion.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2007). "French both: a gap in the theory of antipresupposition". Snippets 15, pp 4-5.

  Abstract:

  The most relevant examples are:

  1. 1. *Philippe broke all his arms.
     2. Philippe broke both his arms.
  2. 1. *Philippe s'est cassé tous les bras.
     2. ?Philippe s'est cassé ?French-both les bras.

• Local Implicatures and Double Negatives (paper)

  Early work on Chierchia (2004)'s local derivation of implicatures: the case of downward entailing operators embedded under each other.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel (2006). "Local Implicatures and Double Negatives". Ms. LSCP.

  Abstract:

  In this note, I investigate a particular aspect of Chierchia (2004)'s local derivation of implicatures: the system relies on a hardwire asymmetry between downward and upward monotonic operators. As a result, logically equivalent sentences might have different implicatures. I argue that it reveals a lack of motivation for some operations in the system.

  1. John ate an apple, a banana or an orange.
     Predicted implicature: John ate exactly one of these fruits.
  2. It's not true that John did not eat an apple, a banana or an orange.
     Predicted implicature: If John ate an orange, he did not eat any apple or banana.

• Categorizing Words Using "Frequent Frames" (draft)

  On language acquisition: the feasibility of a particular distributional strategy for the early development of grammatical categories.

  Reference (BibTeX):

  Chemla, Emmanuel, Toby H. Mintz, Savita Bernal & Anne Christophe (2009). "Categorizing Words Using 'Frequent Frames': What Cross-Linguistic Analyses Reveal About Distributional Acquisition Strategies". Developmental Science 12(3), pp 396-406, doi:10.1111/j.1467-7687.2009.00825.x.

  Abstract:

  Mintz (2003) described a distributional environment called a frame, defined as the co-occurrence of two context words with one intervening target word. Analyses of English child-directed speech showed that words that fell within any frequently occurring frame consistently belonged to the same grammatical category (e.g., noun, verb, adjective, etc.). In this paper, we first generalize this result to French, whose function word system allows patterns that are potentially detrimental to a frame-based analysis procedure. Second, we show that the discontinuity of the chosen environments -- i.e., the fact that target words are framed by the context words -- is crucial for the mechanism to be efficient. This property might be relevant for any computational approach to grammatical categorization. Finally, we investigated a recursive application of the procedure and observed that the categorization is paradoxically worse when context elements are categories rather than actual lexical items. Item-specificity is thus also a core computational principle for this type of algorithm. Our analysis, along with results from behavioral studies (Gómez, 2002; Gómez and Maye, 2005; Mintz, 2006), provide strong support for frames as a basis for the acquisition of grammatical categories by infants. Discontinuity and item-specificity appeared to be crucial features.

• Anne Christophe's homepage (here)

• Emmanuel Dupoux's homepage (here)

• Paul Egré's homepage (here)

• Bart Geurts' homepage (here)

• Philippe Schlenker's homepage (here)

• Benjamin Spector's homepage (here)